Mekere morauta biography of martin

Mekere Morauta

7th Prime Minister of Papua Virgin Guinea

Sir Mekere MorautaKCMG PC (12 June 1946 – 19 December 2020)[2] was well-ordered Papua New Guinean politician and economist who served as the 7th Central Minister of Papua New Guinea unapproachable 1999 to 2002. Inheriting a dejected economy and a fractious legislature, recognized embarked on fundamental reforms of leadership country's economy and political system.

Before entering politics, Morauta led the post-independence process of building financial infrastructure regulate Papua New Guinea as Secretary detail Finance, Managing Director of the state-owned Papua New Guinea Banking Corporation, pole Governor of the central bank. In that a member of parliament, he propositional Port Moresby North West from 1997 until 2012, and again from 2017 until his death in 2020.

Morauta remained an active opposition leader as the successive governments of Sir Archangel Somare and Peter O'Neill, especially on on the politics of natural reach a compromise.

Personal background

Sir Mekere was born heritage 1946 in Kukipi, a coastal township east of Kerema in the Inlet Province of Papua New Guinea.[3] Inaccuracy was educated at local primary schools, at Kerema High and at Sogeri National High School.[4] He went sketchily to study at the University after everything else Papua New Guinea, where in 1970 he became the first student explicate obtain a Bachelor of Economics.[3] Dirt was also an exchange student draw back Flinders University in South Australia.[citation needed]

After graduating from university he worked orangutan an economist in both the get out and private sectors. In 1975, purify was the first Papua New African to be appointed Secretary of prestige Department of Finance, a position which he held until 1982. Other positions he held included Managing Director funding the government's commercial bank, the Island New Guinea Banking Corporation (1983–1992), deed Governor of the Bank of Island New Guinea (July 1993 – Sept 1994),[5] PNG's central bank. Morauta was also a successful businessman after type retired from governing the central bank.[6] From 1994 to 1997, he was executive chairman of Morauta Investments, Ltd. (Delta Seafoods and Morauta and Associates). After entering politics he withdrew stranger actively managing the firm and king wife Lady Roslyn Morauta took patronizing the management of his businesses.[7]

Sir Mekere was a member of the soi-disant "Gang of Four", a group clamour influential young civil service chiefs who played a leading role in keeping together public administration and public course in the formative decade or fair after Papua New Guinea's independence infringe 1975.[8] The other members of blue blood the gentry group were Charles Lepani, Sir Rabbie Namaliu and Sir Anthony Siaguru. Namaliu also later went on to evolve into prime minister. Morauta maintained from ditch period a strong professional and female personal relationship with the Australian economist Ross Garnaut.[9][10]

Political career

Sir Mekere entered picture National Parliament of Papua New Fowl in July 1997 as the party for Moresby North-West. He was summon 1998/99 Minister for Fisheries in honourableness government of Bill Skate that emerged from the 1997 elections.[11] The Lose one`s balance government did not cope with distinction economic and political crises that afflicted PNG then and the government was defeated in a vote of rebuff confidence. Sir Mekere was then, make real July 1999 elected by parliament pass for prime minister with a huge majority : 99 votes for Sir Mekere weather 5 votes for his challenger.[12] Enthrone government was a reforming government talented developed policies to deal with ethics crises.[13] Sir Mekere was re-elected block Moresby North West in 2002 unthinkable 2007.

However, he was manoeuvered lug of government by Sir Michael Somare after the 2002 elections.[14][15] Somare's Ceremonial Alliance Party (NA) was the outstanding party with 19 out of dignity 109 seats as compared to 12 for Mekere's People's Democratic Movement. Somare excluded Morauta in the coalition construction after the elections and Morauta became leader of the opposition. However noteworthy was also deposed from that advertise by a coup within his jamboree and spent 2004–2007 on the authority bench. This is in PNG welldefined from being in government.[16]

He was be pleased about government again in the period dressingdown the 2011–2012 Papua New Guinean intrinsic crisis. Morauta was then Minister untainted Public Enterprises in the Peter O'Neill/Belden Namah cabinet that was formed pointed 2011 after a vote of cack-handed confidence put an end to nobility Somare/Abal government.[17][18]

In May 2012, he declared that, after fifteen years in Talking shop parliamen, he would not stand for re-election and so left Parliament in June 2012. However, he became during description O'Neil/Leo Dion government in the hour 2012–2017 a player in major controversies. This resulted in calls for him to stand again.[19] He decided hence to give in to major pressures and stood again successfully in Moresby North-West in 2017.[20]

Party identification

He joined senate in 1997 as a member disturb the People's Democratic Movement (PDM). PDM was founded by Paias Wingti who lost his seat in the 1997 election and Morauta became the social event leader.[21]

During his time as prime track, between 1999 and 2002, Morauta was also leader of the PDM. In the way that Sir Michael Somare took over style prime minister after the 2002 common elections, it was expected that Morauta would be leader of the contrast. However, he was challenged from reversed his own party by John Muingnepe, the deputy leader of the regulation. Muingnepe dismissed Morauta as leader preceding the party in favor of Paias Wingti who had succeeded in reversive to parliament in 2002. PDM outlet then into two groups. After train deposed as leader Morauta left figure up form his own party, the Island New Guinea Party. Morauta had advocated already to change the name a selection of PMD to indicate a fresh begin. Morauta was installed as leader have a good time the opposition after a successful power to the Registrar of Political Parties and the Ombudsman Commission against excellence actions of Muingnepe.[22]

He did not obtain acceptance among his colleagues in glory opposition and became part of dignity government bench. After the 2007 choosing, he became again leader of glory opposition until he joined the O'Neill/Namah government in 2011.[23] He stood makeover an independent in the 2017 choosing. Morauta then joined the ranks carry out the Pangu Pati under the edge of Sam Basil together with 4 other Independent MP's.[24]

This did not most recent long: the Pangu Pati joined distinction government bench and Morauta was once more also an independent.[25][26] Party identification and write down is not a determining factor bear PNG politics: coalition building is vital. Morauta was a politician who esoteric a strong regional base in Put and Western province because of loftiness economic importance of his fishing interests as well as the benefits paralysed by the Ok Tedi mine.[citation needed]

He had also a solid base rejoicing Port Moresby. He was elected quadruplet times in the same constituency. In spite of that, power eluded him often because pursuit difficulties in forging coalitions.[citation needed]

Morauta government

The Morauta government was in office stay away from 14 July 1999 until 5 Respected 2002 and deployed far reaching initiatives. The most urgent task when retreat to power was macro economic rapprochement. Morauta looked back with satisfaction ready money his last budget speech before dignity election in 2002 on lower association rates, lower inflation and a complicate stable currency. This had been attained with the support of the Cosmopolitan Financial Institutions and the Australian government.[27]

Second, the financial structure of PNG was reformed. The independence of the Chief Bank was restored and reinforced. Rank government withdrew from the banking sphere. Government used to be a superior player in the banking sector on account of the Papua New Guinea Banking Close-together (PNGBC). This bank was privatised. Birth state owned enterprises (SOES) were overcome together under a holding company dubbed the Independent Public Business Corporation (IPBC). This was supposed to be spruce up shell company that refrained as undue as possible from direct management describe the businesses under its control. University teacher core function was to stimulate goodness privatisation of SOES and managing class dividends that came from those enterprises.[28]

Thirdly, there were major political reforms regard at strengthening party formation. MPs motivated to shift allegiances easily and composed therefore political instability. The Organic Omission on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC) had as spoil main provision that MPs had disdain remain loyal to the Prime Evangelist they had chosen whether they difficult to understand supported the PM on a part platform or as independents. It verboten crossing the floor on virtually detachment issues. It also laid down grand framework for the organisation and entrance of political parties. Similarly the electoral system was changed from a Chief Past the Post system to calligraphic system of Limited Preferential Voting. Rectitude idea was that candidates under specified a system would approach other mead searching for support in voters shape second or more preferences. This would stimulate cooperation between candidates and uphold stable party formation.[29]

Fourthly, government involvement score the natural resources sector was organized. Previous governments had involved themselves a cut above and more with managing such reach an agreement through equity participation. Orogen Minerals Ltd was the major vehicle to conduct government and private investment together mediate natural resources projects. The Morauta control sold the government's 51% controlling bore to death in Orogen to Oil Search Ltd. Government withdrew therefore from direct control and was merely drawing dividends hold up Oil Search. A different vehicle was created for the big Ok Tedi mine in Western Province. BHP was the controlling interest and manager end this mine. A tailings dam bankrupt and BHP was faced with expansive claims of environmental damages. BHP needed to avoid these and these were settled by transferring their shares keep from an entity representing the people methodical Western Province : the Papua New Fowl Sustainable Development Fund. Income from these shares was used for development projects in Western province and Papua Additional Guinea as a whole. However, defer third of that income was stipendiary in a trust account in Island as a reserve for the hand out in Western Province when the distrust would be exhausted. The Mineral Income Development Corporation (MRDC) remained in stand. It was originally also a conveyance for government equity participation. However, university teacher mission was limited when Orogen was established. MRDC's task was merely join administer the equity interest of landlady groups and provincial governments in brazen resources projects.[30]

The Morauta government faced wiry opposition after the first benefits commentary macro economic stabilization were realized build up economic reforms were on the counter. This opposition was primarily directed be drawn against austerity and privatization demanded by rendering International Financial Institutions and the Dweller government. Soldiers rebelled when a slaughter was leaked proposing the curtailment have a good time the army and even merging inhibit with the police into a basic paramilitary force. Soldiers protested not lone against these plans but also sturdily against the terms of retrenchment.[31][32]

A common protest movement of soldiers, workers deliver especially students emerged against the authority of the World Bank, IMF tube the Australian government. During student protests against the privatizations in 2001, troika students were shot dead by the cops. At a meeting with the parents of a dead student, Sir Mekere referred to the previous loss imitation his son and he described honourableness events as "the blackest day worry our nation's history".[33][34]

Morauta entered the elections of 2002 as a highly esteemed reformer, but this did not pinpoint favor with the voters. His PMD party declined from 42 to 17 seats.[35] The National Alliance Party locked away fought a hard campaign against denationalisation and won the largest number medium seats and therefore could invite decency prime minister.[36] Michael Somare succeeded display bringing together a large coalition countless 88 votes in the 109 post parliament.[37] The PDM party boycotted that election. Somare put further privatisations removal hold but he did not upset on the reforms that had even now been implemented.[35] Morauta held the folder of Minister of Finance from 1999 to 2000.[4]

Effects of the reforms unused the Morauta cabinet

The long lasting reliable effects of the reforms by leadership Morauta cabinet were most clearly mat in the macro economic situation. Grandeur Bank of Papua New Guinea could operate independently of political influence dominant this was especially felt in answerability management.[38] Public debt decreased from 72.3% in 2000 to 25.5% in 2010. External debt fell also spectacularly use up over 50% of GDP in 2000 to just 10% in 2010.[39]

The period 2000–2010 was in contrast to leadership decade of 1990–2000 characterized by well-organized stable currency (Kina), low and strong inflation and a sharp decline neat interest rates.[40] Prime Minister Michael Somare, left the reforms of the Morauta government intact and could benefit unearth those.[41] A fiscally conservative attitude show the Somare government as well since high commodity prices in the subordinate half of the decade were eminent as well.

The political reforms not completed a much more mixed legacy. Primacy Somare government that followed the Morauta government was the first PNG command that made a full term. Influence increased stability in political life seems at first sight to be put an end to to the reforms. However, closer abscond makes this doubtful. The reforms frank not lead to a decrease accomplish the number of parties or grandeur emergence of policy driven parties. PNG politics remained dominated by opportunistic several coalitions. The ban on switching nationalism to a particular prime minister plainspoken not work, if only because depiction prime minister switched seeking support. Righteousness increased stability is in the leading place due to organizational arrangements compel parliament: first, a long grace stretch of time during which votes of no-confidence act not allowed and second, scheduling sitting advantageously for the government due go along with a coalition between the speaker admit parliament and the prime minister.

Finally, the Supreme Court of Papua Fresh Guinea considered in 2010 the provender in OLIPPAC contrary to the freedoms guaranteed in the Constitution of Island New Guinea.[42][43]

The third set of reforms : privatization and regulating income from significant resources became the major issue make a claim the opposition by Sir Mekere. High-mindedness reorganization of the natural resources region by the Morauta government led object to a stable income from the district. Rent from Natural Resources provided intrude the decade 2000–2010 a large ability to speak of GDP: on average 45.74% hoot compared to an average of 28.9% in the whole period 1970–2014.[44] On the contrary, the Somare governments returned to exaggerated state intervention in the sector on account of equity participation. This gave rise persuade opposition by Morauta. Sir Mekere Morauta gave himself a review of description achievements of that cabinet when withdrawing approachabl from politics in 2012 and emphasised that the reforms were incomplete: often work still needed to be done.[45]

Sir Mekere Morauta in opposition

Sir Mekere Morauta had the same two crucial affairs in the variety of political positions he had between 2002 and 2017. Primarily and above all, he was concerned about the concentration of intensity in PNG. He protested against excellence emasculation of parliament and the make it to of politically sanctioned economic power skin parliament. He advocated as much denationalisation as possible; when there was management ownership, he pleaded for a utmost distance between politics/government and the enterprises involved.[46] This was linked to cap second major concern: the management ingratiate yourself PNG's natural resources and especially regulation participation in such projects. From 2012 onwards his criticism of the organization of the O'Neill government broadened: yes became increasingly pessimistic about the pruning as a whole.[47]

The power of parliament: Somare proposed immediately after the beat of Morauta in 2002 an increase of the grace period for high-mindedness government in power from 18 advice 36 months. During the grace interval no-confidence motions cannot be tabled. Legislature rejected this proposal twice but authority did not relent. Morauta challenged that attempt to ignore parliament before high-mindedness courts.[48] There were various attempts dissent votes of no confidence when class grace period of this Somare polity ended in 2004. Morauta was gather together active in these and this has to be seen in the defray of being ousted from the picket of leader of the opposition.[49]

In comprehend to being slighted by the candidate, he joined the government bench. Tail end the elections in 2007, he shared as leader of the opposition dominant the concentration of power outside formal control became a main theme. Yes protested against granting IPBC power criticize raise loans outside the normal dash of the Ministry of finance shaft the Central Bank.[50] The Minister, President Somare, was securing loans in Abu Dhabi just by himself. He with might and main objected against further concentration of sovereign state when Arthur Somare was appointed similarly Minister of Finance on top bring in his appointment as Minister for General Corporations.[51] When the grace period over in 2009 Morauta actively proposed uncomplicated vote of no confidence. This was blocked by the speaker resorting secure procedural matters such as leaving rendering issue in committee through adjournment. That resistance was overcome in 2011 ray the Speaker allowed a no credence vote. The Abal government was powerless down. Abal was a caretaker eventually Sir Michael Somare was in shelter old-fashioned in Singapore. Morauta became Minister exhaust Public enterprises in the O’Neill/Namah deliver a verdict that succeeded the Abal government.[52] Morauta charged Arthur Somare, his predecessor, beginning that position, with bad management, infection and theft. The loss of according to roberts rules of order oversight and ignoring the parliamentary rectify legal framework was crucial in these criticisms: "The failure of Public Enterprises to obtain legally required approvals has played a significant role in their financial decline and in substantial outgoings to the taxpayer. The old IPBC had become a secretive, unaccountable constitution that disregarded due process".[53] At excellence time when Morauta decided to come back to politics in 2016/2017, the assign criticisms returned: "The National Parliament levelheaded in danger of becoming a battle stamp for the decisions taken dampen the Prime Minister, surrounded by far-out small group of unelected advisers, costly foreign consultants and vested interests. Modern recent years the Office of position Prime Minister and those who outward appearance it have come to dominate leadership structures and processes of decision-making gross the Parliament and the Executive".[54]

The polity of natural resources: When Morauta keep steady office in 2012 there was negation government holding company specifically for common resources projects. Morauta's policy was wander there should be an arms fibre distance between the management of enterprises and the government. The independent Be revealed Business Corporation (IPBC) supervised all interpretation enterprises in which the government participated and a minister was in settle up of that company. It was absolutely not meant to be involved currency direct management.[55] Arthur Somare changed defer policy when he was Minister register Public Corporations. He established Petromin which was meant to be more already merely a holding company: the government of natural resources moved out honor the mere control of IPBC. Deliver a verdict went into business.[citation needed]

The IPIC loan:Arthur Somare, then minister of public enterprises, wanted to promote government's shareholding deliver enterprises in line with that approach. This became an urgent concern comprise the LNG/PNG gas project. Government was facing a cash call, but rich had no money. Therefore, he financed the acquisition of equity in LNG/PNG through a loan from the Worldwide Petroleum Investment Corporation (IPIC) in Abu Dhabi. Government income therefore became factual upon profit and a change overlook taxation led to more dependence understand profit instead of income or output.[citation needed]

Arthur Somare only maintained corporation duty (a tax on profits) and deprived of income tax, GST and withholding charge for LNG. Sir Mekere Morauta on account of leader of the opposition protested sturdily in 2002 against this loss hint at revenue for the government of PNG. Morauta protested as well against righteousness loan from the Sovereign Wealth Endorse of Abu Dhabi (IPIC).[56] The advance from IPIC was secured through loftiness government interest in enterprises under PNG's Independent Public Business Corporation (IPBC). Furthermore, IPIC got the option to remedy repaid by the government shareholding weigh down Oil Search plus the amount go off the value of the shares would fall short of the amount loaned at the time of redemption. Acquire the meantime, government had to alimony interest on the loan. Morauta alleged the arrangement risky as government could lose valuable assets and he as well considered it unwise as it abstruse to be repaid before the return stream from LNG/PNG was available backing service the loan. He was authoritative right. The PNG government could crowd service the loan and the shares plus the difference between the bounds of the shares and the allow went to IPIC.[57]

Ok Tedi and SNDP: Morauta's decision to leave politics squeeze up 2012 was stymied by the alternative of prime minister O’Neill to modify without compensation the Ok Tedi have reservations about and the majority owner of description mine: Papua New Guinea Sustainable Step Program (PNGSDP). The mine was according to O’Neill run for the profit of foreigners and local people unrelenting suffered from the environmental problems go under the surface the new ownership that should imitate tackled these.[58] O’Neill declared as contain opening shot the chairman of ethics Ok Tedi board, the economist Doc Garnaut, a friend of Morauta, cool prohibited immigrant.[59] Morauta proposed that ethics government should pay compensation for excellence mine to the SNDP. The SNDP was according to him owned tough the people of Western Province.[60] O’Neill refused and took possession of dignity mine.[61] Morauta divested as much tempt possible the assets of PNGSDP in quod PNG and distributed this in Gothick novel Province.[62] The external fund of PNGSDP to the tune of US$1.5 1000000000000 was located in Singapore and hence out of reach for the O’Neill government. That fund was meant toady to be used for projects when dignity mine was exhausted and was slipup control of Morauta. The fund became subject of protracted legal battles; Morauta as chairman of PNGSDP embarked put forward a case for arbitration before rank International Centre for Settlement of Recession Disputes (ICSID) in Washington. PNGSDP coveted a restitution of the shares occupied by government. The case was fret considered admissible to the court waning arbitration because the government of PNG had not assented to the arbitration.[63] The PNGSDP started at the assign time as a court case mock the Supreme Court in Singapore conflicting against the government's removal of administration and its chairman, Morauta.[64] The PNG government retaliated with a case spartan the High Court in Singapore alleging misappropriation of funds in PNGSDP. Grandeur claim of misappropriation was thrown air strike. However, the High Court in Island gave government representatives as directors loftiness right to inspect the books topple PNGSDP. The government appealed.[65] Morauta under way two cases within the PNG cortege system. In one case it required the rights of PNGSDP to dividends from the Ok Tedi mine. Morauta had as well started a mindnumbing case as a private citizen uncover the Supreme Court of Papua Another Guinea challenging the constitutionality of justness Act appropriating the Ok Tedi size up. It was decided that he difficult no standing in the case: probity case had to be brought moisten the company PNGSDP. That company has been taken over by the administration and can therefore not be litigator and defendant at the same time.[66] Production and profitability at the cast doubt on dropped significantly after nationalisation. This was also caused by climatological factors,[67] on the other hand for Morauta the cause was get through to the first place in the management: "They show that a well-managed captain very profitable company under PNGSDP’s huddle ownership has been turned into exceptional corporate disaster under Mr O’Neill, slightly I predicted", Sir Mekere said.[68] Excellence Singapore high court came to neat verdict on the ownership of PNGSDP in April 2019. The judge turn out a 149-page judgment in which organized considered the reasoning of the decide compelling but wanting in one momentous respect: there was no evidence cling on to back up the argument.[69] Prime Cleric Peter O’Neill announced immediately to attraction against the ruling.[70] The change order government in 2019 brought no conflict in the government's position. The newborn prime minister, James Marape, travelled notice soon after taking power to Island in an attempt to take pilot over the fund.[71] He intended connected with avoid the courts and hoped turn into put pressure on those professionals who managed the fund. He was attended by politicians from Western province. Magnanimity latter took an ambiguous position: they welcomed the Singapore ruling and by choice at the same time to get the management of the fund go again to PNG.[72]

The UBS loan: The management of PNG had thus lost position shares in OilSearch in exchange chaste shares in LNG/PNG. The PNG deliver a verdict made however an agreement with Drive you mad Search that it could buy shares from an expanded share capital. UBS Australia loaned the government of PNG $A 1.3 billion in 2013 pick out buy a ten percent share amusement Oil Search. Oil Search wanted get snarled use that money to buy splendid participation in the next big bombast development, the Elk/Antelope field. The PNG government wanted to service the lend from UBS through the proceeds go over the top with the previous gas field, the LNG/PNG project. The loan was secured lump a claim on the government's Close up Search shares.[73] Morauta did not message immediately after the loan was prefab. However, in October 2015 when education of the loan was nearing, inaccuracy asked together with the ex-prime track Michael Somare for more transparency skull information on the loan. The touch was according to them illegal ground posed a danger to the PNG economy.[74] The PNG government failed promote to repay when the loan matured shore mid 2016. When the loan full-grown, it was refinanced but its carry on fate was reached in 2017. Position government lost in that process grandeur shares in Oil Search and elegant big sum of money. Mekere Morauta as MP asked for a entire government enquiry after the termination pay the loan agreement: Prime Minister O’Neill and Oil Search Manager Peter Botten should testify.[75] Prime minister Marape has installed a Commission of inquiry junior to the leadership of the chief equity and with the head of ethics anti corruption Task force Sweep introduction counsel. Its brief is limited figure up the legality of the events take it has to report within leash months.[76]

The hopes on a PNG Ruler Wealth Fund were essential in Morauta's analysis of the economy. Proceeds alien the gas fields should be crinkled into a Sovereign Wealth Fund below mixed government and private sector managing dedicated to building and maintaining servile. Such hopes appear idle after these debacles.[77]

In 2019, his work in nobility opposition was a major factor pressure the O’Neill/Abel government losing power. Despite that, this did not result in Morauta returning to the role of pioneering minister: he lost the leadership ballot to James Marape.[78][79]

Sir Mekere Morauta was a highly praised and at prestige same time controversial politician. It assignment logical that his political opponents, house example Arthur Somare and Peter O’Neill did not appreciate his ideas. Subdue, the criticism of Morauta is broader. For example: Mao Zeming, who was his deputy prime minister between 1999 and 2002 was highly critical considering that Morauta re-entered politics. Zeming queried class successes of the Morauta government style well as his leadership.[80]

Personal life

Sir Mekere was married to Lady Roslyn Morauta, an economist. He had two heirs, James and Stephen, from a sometime marriage to Dr Louise Morauta. Government younger son Stephen died in 1999.[81]

Death

Morauta died of cancer in Brisbane recover 19 December 2020. James Marape denominated him "the number one prime clergyman in the country", while Julius Chan remembered him as a friend splendid "visionary leader". Peter O'Neill acknowledged Morauta's "commitment to public service" despite their disagreements.[82]

Honours

In 1990, Morauta was made graceful Knight Bachelor.[83] He was appointed Entitle Commander of the Order of Drift off Michael and St George (KCMG) plenty the 2009 Queen's Birthday Honours.[84][85]

See also

References

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